My project investigates the relationship between negation practices across different arts and media in the former Yugoslavia—literature, film, visual arts, radio—and the notion of value(s). The aim of my project is twofold. First, it is to stress that the legacy of Yugoslav Zenithism should be recognized as the “conceptual unconscious” of the experimental art practices in Socialist Yugoslavia. The second, and more noteworthy goal is to offer a completely new perspective on negation practices of Yugoslav experimental art, bringing them in close relation to the concept of (symbolic, economic, social, and political) value(s). Value is a key issue if we perceive social worlds as a project of mutual creation, and a shared culture, as something collectively made and remade. My research contributes to the current debates on Yugoslav culture and experimental art by demonstrating that the question of value (along with the concept of “nothing” as its condition) is the kernel of vanguard cultural narratives of a shared future. It pinpoints that such a “culture of a shared future” is not one of identity, but of responsibility. Radical Yugoslav art practices remind us that the same principle applies to post-Balkans and Europeans: responsibility instead of identity.

In contrast to political apathy and abstinence among the youth in the region, this research tends to provide fresh theoretical and empirical insights into young people’s political affect and political engagement. To do this, it will provide a summary of the study on youth political participation and a review of the literature on the connection between politics and emotions. Subsequently, the gap in knowledge on the various forms and platforms of youth political participation and engagement in the Western Balkans will be highlighted. Then, questions will be asked about the meanings, emotions, and future-oriented goals that young people aspire to attain in their sociopolitical environment, based on the alternative epistemological perspective in psychology known as the transformative activist stance (Anna Stetsenko). The research will include a qualitative empirical study on this topic among youth (18–30 years old) from Montenegro, Croatia, and Serbia to supplement the results of the predominately quantitative research.

Present research will explore a very particular institution for development and investment financing that was part of the institutional set-up of socialist Yugoslavia during its entire and rather short life. The institution was officially called “self-contributions” and consisted of regular monthly payments levied over personal income for all employed inhabitants of a city or a certain municipality during the previously agreed period of time (from 6 months to 5 years). What is remarkable is that decisions to adopt such measures were decided at general referendum procedures. By careful analysis of this institution, its history and the related political practice, the research seeks to contribute to two goals. First, it seeks to expand our knowledge on the history of socialist Yugoslavia by providing a detailed study of self-contributions as a unique democratic source of investment funds for crucial development project and improvements in social and material infrastructure. Second, it looks at how insights into the way they functioned, the role they played in the more general systems of social planning, and financing as well as democratic processes they depended on, can be used as inspiration for policies aiming at deepening democratic rule and at giving more agency to citizens in planning, financing and implementation of development programs and projects.

I want to propose a research project that revolves around the history of Kampor concentration camp on the island of Rab. During its existence in 1942-1943, Kampor held more than 15,000 prisoners whom Fascist Italian authorities considered “undesirable” in political, ideological, racial, or ethnonational terms. I intend to write an English-language academic article on the massive rescue operation of some 2,500 of the camp’s Jewish prisoners, which the Yugoslav communist resistance movement put into motion after Fascist Italy’s capitulation in fall 1943, anticipating the German conquest of their former ally’s holdings in East Adriatic. Beside the rescue operation itself, which had been organized by Partisan leadership, the housing of the Jews of Kampor was a complex operation in itself, dependent on intergroup cooperation and a focus on coexistence, involving the efforts of ordinary people from the entire spectrum of Croatia’s and the wider region’s diverse ethno-confessional groups. This is the aspect of the story of the rescue of Jews of Kampor that I aim to explore in greater detail, situating the event into the broader European context of rescue operations during the Holocaust.

This study will examine the role of bilingualism in multicultural societies and its impact on forming ethnic and regional identities. Referring to the analysis of the use of bilingualism in the Albanian community in North Macedonia, we will reflect a clear picture of how this linguistic phenomenon can be used as an instrument for improving identity and how it has influenced the breaking of the line of nationalism in relationships with other social factors. Also, during the study, we will discover the influence of bilingualism in the transformation of the traditional concept of nationalism or the cases where bilingualism is used as a tool for adaptation and affirmation of the identity of the Albanian community, with a particular emphasis on the new generation. In order to give a more explicit result on the role of bilingualism in this environment, this study will refer at the same time to various historical and social developments—moreover, language policies related to the Albanian community in North Macedonia.

Bilingualism: An Instrument for Destroying the Line of Nationalism in Albanian Community of North Macedonia as a Case of Study

Keywords: bilingualism, nationalism, community, ethnic and regional identity, multicultural environment, language policies etc.

This research project focuses on the evolution and impact of public spaces along two vital watercourses, the Vardar River and its tributaries in Skopje and the Ljubljanica River and its tributaries in Ljubljana. The study aims to conduct a comparative analysis of linear blue and green public spaces in the Balkans, assessing cases with varying levels of success. Ljubljana serves as an exemplar of sustainable urban solutions, while Skopje grapples with urban challenges amid untapped potential. The research seeks to contribute insights into post-socialist urban development, patterns of corridor usage, issues of inequality and social justice, and potential strategies for fostering a shared urban future. The proposed methodology, including the Good
Public Space Index and the researcher’s Multi-Scale Framework, will be applied to assess the effectiveness and “lived” quality of public spaces in the selected cases. The findings aim to enhance understanding of urban livelihood and solidarity, fostering discussions on equitable urban development in the Balkan region.

REMINDED seeks to explore novel ways in which a culture of shared future can be established by collaborative and alternative commemoration practices around specific environments and landscapes. While the Wars of Yugoslav Succession (1991-1999) left a legacy of environmental destruction, environmental impacts from the wars have received little attention by scholars and local communities. This project therefore seeks to demonstrate the importance of commemorating environmental effects of armed conflict in the region by bridging scholars, students, and the public. The project will utilize novel methods to uncover ways that landscapes themselves can serve as monuments, and how collaboration in their commemoration can lead to a shared future.

The project will use novel methods, especially digital and virtual approaches, to ensure that the project’s goals are long-term, open to wider audiences, and sustainable. These will include blogs, social media posts, YouTube videos, and ultimately a website, where scholars, students, and the public throughout the region and beyond will be able to contribute towards the commemoration of specific sites. Specific sites will be selected from across the region, including at least one site from each country that has directly experienced environmental legacies of armed combat, leading to sustained collaboration and shared expressions.

Over the past decade, we can observe a re-emergence of new left electoral actors in post-Yugoslav space. These actors present themselves as ‘movement parties’, a hybrid organisational form that tries to innovate party-political organising and challenge the previously existing centre and centre-left parties. While The Left (Slovenia), We Can (Croatia), and Green-Left Front (Serbia) have by now achieved significant success in their electoral engagement, this project looks more closely at their current strategic predicaments. On the one hand, it aims to offer an analytical overview of the strategic framing through which they position themselves within the broader political conflict. On the other hand, it aims to map key organizational predicaments that these actors will confront in the near future. Empirically, the project will be based on framing analysis of movement parties’ leaders’ statements, including extensive desk research and literature review.

Redefining Tourism Narratives: Navigating Beyond Banal Nationalism in Southeast Europe
This research aims to investigate the intricate relationship between banal nationalism, tourism (focusing on the phenomenon of the so called “patriotic tourism”, a term so used and liked in Albania where is common sense to name “our” nationalism as “patriotism”), and their impact on national identities, stereotypes, and societal relations in Southeast Europe. This study aims to delve into the ways in which banal nationalism manifests in the tourism industry, drawing attention to the symbolic representations, narratives, and practices that perpetuate nationalistic sentiments. It will examine how patriotic tourism, often fueled by political agendas and historical narratives, reinforces existing national identities and deepens societal divisions. In the case of Southeast Europe, a region historically marked by ethnic and political tensions, this study will analyze the implications of these dynamics on inter-societal relations.
Moreover, the study advocates for alternative models of tourism that promote a culture of shared futures over nationalist divisions. It explores innovative approaches that prioritize cross-cultural understanding, dialogue, and collaboration. Drawing inspiration from emerging trends in responsible tourism, cultural exchange programs, and community-based tourism, the study proposes actionable strategies for fostering a more inclusive and interconnected future.

Back to the Future or
How to Make Peace with The Past in Order to Create a Better Tomorrow Together

Public spaces and their visual culture are active participants in creating of public knowledge. That knowledge is primarily represented and recognized through monuments and/or different memorialization practices. However, how that space looks like and what politics and policies represents is never accidental. It is something that is always decided by the ruling elite. Even though that does not necessarily mean that the ruling elites are going to have a negative attitude towards the previous regime or representatives of minorities in general, in the Western Balkans region it is a rule. Changes in the domain of political climate here are very common and they can easily be traced in the public space appearance too. In those circumstances, (cultural) heritage seems to be another victim. It suffers not just for the sake of new ideology, but also in order people to forget their past. When it comes to the so-called difficult places and spaces, the situation in the domain of collective memory is even worse. It looks like we are in a vicious circle of the permanent present built on the remnants of nationalist and exclusive accounts of the past. Because of that, a progressive vision on future is missing. Silenced and marginalized memories, as well as contested histories, seem to be the dominant narratives in everyday life. The roles of certain public figures are being re-examined, the culture of cancellation is stronger; we are afraid of refugees, we blame them for diseases, the increase in unemployment, religious fanaticism. Although experts insist that culture and arts unite us, how does it happen that they actually separate us?
The basic research direction is motivated by a long-term search for an answer to the question: how can Serbs and Albanians live together again after everything that happened in Kosovo? This led to further doubts – what are our points of similarities; what kind of culture of memory do we want to cherish, whether and how heritage, that is, the past can help us in building a better future; what is the role of education in this? The focus of the research is directed at young people in Belgrade, i.e. at those who do not remember the controversial events at first hand, but formed their views about them through family stories, education, and memory policies promoted by the ruling elites. Although the problems of young people are similar in Belgrade, Kosovska Mitrovica and Priština, they do not think about how to get to know each other better and how to cooperate, or how together they can create democratic, multi-ethnic, multi-confessional, open, plural, and inclusive societies.
Considering heritage as a source for knowledge seems obvious, but the aim of this project is to invite us to question it critically. My idea is to highlight specific problematic issues, but also potentials for representation involved in such difficult heritage, and to identify and analyse ways in which they can contribute to social reflection. I would also like to inspire analytical reflection on heritage and the values and power dynamics attached to it, and to facilitate dialogue about the uses of the past in the present. Cultivating a culture based on facts is indispensable. Yet, equally important is to formulate and foster a “culture of a shared future” in the region – bringing forward narratives, evidence, and politics to replace a culture of hostility with a common vision of a joint future. In that sense, this research is part of a long-standing effort to show that heritage is here to bring us together.

Péter Krekó’s research project focuses on the social psychological processes of informational autocracies: regimes that can be successful through the manipulation of information. More specifically, he deals with the phenomena of informational autocratization in Central and Southeastern Europe, with a special focus on Hungary and Serbia. The study aims to analyze the mechanisms of state-sponsored information manipulation and explores viable strategies to counteract such practices. Drawing upon a comprehensive methodological approach that includes desktop research, interviews with key stakeholders, and comparative attitude surveys, the project seeks to shed light on the extent and impact of media centralization, the role of social-political polarization in the acceptance of disinformation, and the effectiveness of various resistance strategies employed by NGOs, journalists, and politicians. This research is important for understanding the evolving landscape of information manipulation within regimes with a hybrid nature both institutionally – combining features of democracies and autocracies – both geopolitically – with a Western and Eastern orientation at the same time. At the same time, the two neighbouring countries, while having many similar features in their politics, and professional, leader-centric spin of information, are very asymmetric in their integration into the Western institutional sytems (EU and NATO). By comparing the informational control strategies in Hungary and Serbia and extending the analysis to other Central and Southeastern European countries, the project not only provides an academic contribution to the field but also offers practical insights for policymakers, civil society, and the media to combat the challenges of informational autocracy.

Memory of Good Things: Mobilizing Legacies of Inter-Ethnic Solidarity and Collaboration to Support Culture of Shared Future

The official narratives of the past in the countries ensuing from former Yugoslavia are almost exclusively focusing on violence. Providing simplified accounts of “our heroes/victims” and “their villains”, these narratives strongly contribute to the persistence of ethnonationalist agendas and deepening of inter-ethnic cleavages in the region. At the same time, lived experiences of collaboration, friendship, and joint achievements of members of different ethnic groups from former Yugoslavia, although plentiful, seem to be ignored and exposed to “deliberate forgetting”.

Both negative and positive memories can be activated to promote specific political and social agendas. However, while mechanisms for deploying negative memories of inter-group hostilities to mobilize people for (more) violence have been studied extensively, there is a gap in the knowledge on the activation of positive collective memories to support nonviolent political agendas.

The main aim of the study Memory of Good Things is to explore in what ways positive inter-ethnic experiences and related good memories of joint past be strategically mobilized to support a culture of shared future. To address this research question, I will firstly facilitate learning about the strategic use of positive past in the practices of three ethnically diverse communities in Croatia and Bosnia-Herzegovina which resisted ethnic segregation and violence during 1991-1995 wars. Secondly, I will examine the current state of the integration of such positive narratives in the public memory at local and national level. Finally, I aim to identify and outline the opportunities for strategic deployment of positive inter-ethnic past to build a shared future in Southeastern Europe envisioned as a region where, as expressed by the wartime mayor of the city of Tuzla Selim Bešlagić, “national, political and religious differences among citizens are not considered a curse, but a source of beauty and wealth”.